Monday, 11 November 2013

WHO KILLED AL-HUSSAIN?


WHO KILLED AL-HUSSAIN?



Retelling the tragedy of Karbalâ has traditionally been an important feature of Shî‘î spirituality. The passion plays of Iran and the Indian subcontinent, the literature, both prose and poetry, composed upon the subject of the martyrdom of Sayyidunâ Hussain (radiyallâhu ‘anhu) and the general atmosphere of mourning that reigns amongst the Shî‘ah during the month of Muharram, all bear eloquent testimony to importance of that event in the Shî‘î calendar. To the Shî‘ah, ‘Âshurâ is probably the most important day of the year. 

However, it is regrettable that despite the huge amount of attention the subject of Karbalâ enjoys, the event is persistently portrayed as two-sided. It is always depicted as Hussain against Yazîd, Right rising up against Wrong, the Quest for Justice against the Forces of Oppression. Many an opportunist has even gone to the extent of superimposing upon the event the theme of Shî‘ah against Ahl as-Sunnah.

In this partial retelling that concentrates upon what actually happened at Karbalâ, and conveniently draws attention away from the other guilty party in the ‘Âshûrâ tragedy, lies another tragedy in itself. For while Hussain's martyrdom has been oft commemorated, and his physical opponents and killers identified, cursed and eliminated, no one has spared a moment's anger for those who deserted him at the crucial hour.


It is these men in the shadows, who squarely deserve to be called the real villains of Karbalâ, upon whom this article seeks to cast light.


The People of Kufaa invite al-Hussain


It was in Ramadân 60AH that the letters from Kûfah started to arrive at the house of ‘Abbâs ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib in Makkah where Hussain ibn ‘Alî was staying after his flight from Madînah, letters urging him to lead the Kûfans into revolt against Yazîd ibn Mu‘âwiyah, and assuring him of their loyalty and allegiance. Mu‘âwiyah died two months earlier, and there was much resentment for his son Yazîd for whom the bay‘ah was taken as his successor. The people of Kûfah especially were looking at Hussain for leadership, and soon there was stream of letters coming in from Kûfah. On certain days there would be as many as 600 letters, with messengers who enthusiastically described the support he would receive from the Kûfans.


Kûfah was a unique place, and the Kûfans a peculiar people. In 37AH Sayyidunâ ‘Alî (radiyallâhu ‘anhu) shifted his capital from Madînah to Kûfah, and ever since that city became the home of those who claimed partisanship of the Ahl al-Bayt. After the reconciliation between Hasan and Mu‘âwiyah in 41AH many of those who had been in Sayyidunâ Hasan's army settled in Kûfah. At the time of Mu‘âwiyah's death in 60AH pro-‘Ali sentiments were still to be found in abundance in Kûfah. At the time of Mu‘âwiyah' s death in 60 AH Kûfah was still very strongly pro-‘ Ali. Thus when the opportunity arose the Kûfans, who still regarded themselves as the Shî‘ah (supporters) of the Ahl al-Bayt, turned to Hussain to lead them against Yazîd.


Sayyidunâ Hussain decided to send his cousin Muslim ibn ‘Aqîl to investigate the situation in Kûfah. If he found it feasible he would write to inform Hussain, who would depart with his family from Makkah to join him in Kûfah. Muslim arrived in in Dhul Qa‘dah. The Kûfans, when they learnt of his arrival presented themselves at the residence of Muslim ibn ‘Awsajah al-Asadî where he was staying. Soon there were 12 000 Kûfans who had given their solemn pledge to support and protect Hussain with their lives and all they possessed. When this number rose to 18 000 Muslim felt confident enough to dispatch a messenger to Hussain informing him of the bay‘ah of the Kûfans, and urging him to proceed from Makkah.


Yazîd replaces the Governor of Kufah with Ubaydullâh ibn Ziyâd
Rumours of what was happening in Kûfah soon reached Yazîd in Damascus. He immediately replaced Nu‘mâ n ibn Bashîr, the governor of Kûfah, with the ruthless ‘Ubaydullâh ibn Ziyâd with orders to find Muslim ibn ‘Aqîl and kill him. Ibn Ziyâd entered Kûfah early in Dhul Hijjah, accompanied by seventeen men on horseback. With the end of his turban drawn over his face he was unrecognizable, and the people of Kûfah, who were expecting Sayyidunâ Hussain, mistook him for Hussain. " Peace upon you, o son of Rasûlullâh," they hailed him. Thus it was that Ibn Ziyâd learnt the truth of the rumors. It was only when one of his mounted men shouted at them, " Stand back! This is the governor ‘Ubaydullâh ibn Ziyâd!" that the Kûfans realized the seriousness of their blunder.


Soon after reaching the governor's residence ‘ Ubaydullâh sent a servant of his own with a bag containing 3000 dirhams to pose as a newcomer from the Syrian town of Hims eager to join the imminent revolution, and thereby discover the whereabouts of Muslim ibn ‘Aqîl. He located Muslim in the house of Hânî ibn ‘Urwah, and took the pledge of allegiance at his hands. The money he handed over to Abû Thumâmah al-‘Âmirî who was acting as Muslim' s treasurer. After staying with them for a few days, during which he learnt most of what there was to know about their intrigue, he returned to Ibn Ziyâd and informed him. Hânî ibn ‘Urwah was arrested. At first he denied all knowledge of Muslim' s whereabouts, but when the " newcomer from Hims" was brought before him he confessed. But he still refused to reveal where Muslim ibn ‘Aqîl was.


In the meantime Muslim came to hear about the arrest of Hânî ibn ‘Urwah. Realizing that the hour for a decisive encounter had arrived, he raised his battle cry " Yâ Mansûr" , at which 4000 of the men who had given him their oath of allegiance and loyalty to Hussain gathered around him and proceeded towards the governor' s fort. When he saw Muslim ibn ‘Aqîl with the Kûfans at his gate, ‘Ubaydullâh sent some of the tribal leaders of Kûfah to speak with their people and draw them away from Muslim and warn them of the wrath that would descend upon them when the armies from Damascus arrived.


Soon Muslim's army was called upon by mothers telling their sons, "Come home , there are enough other people here," and fathers ominously warning their sons, "What will happen tomorrow when the Syrian armies start arriving from Damascus? What will you do?"
The resolve of the men who had taken a sacred oath to support and defend the cause of Hussain and the Ahl al-Bayt against Yazîd and his Syrian armies could not hold in the face of such threats and discouragement, even though Hussain was on that very moment making his way to Kûfah with his nearest and dearest relying upon the promises of the Kufans.


The Kufans start deserting one by one


One by one the Kufans deserted Muslim ibn ‘Aqîl under the gates of the governor' s fort. At sunset he was left with only 30 men. He led them in Maghrib, and then moved away to the doorway of the Kindah quarter of Kûfah. He went through that door with no more than 10 men, and before he knew it, he was all on his own in the streets of Kûfah. Of all those who had so anxiously and enthusiastically written to Hussain to come and lead them in revolt against Yazîd, and out of the 18 000 men who but days before placed their right hands in his, solemnly pledging allegiance to the cause for which they had invited the grandson of Rasûlullâh , not a single one was there to offer Muslim ibn ‘Aqîl the solace of their company or refuge from the night.

Eventually, parched with thirst, he knocked at a door. The occupant, an old lady, took him in when she learnt that he was Muslim ibn ‘Aqîl. She hid him away in her house, but her son, from whom she extracted a promise not to tell anyone of his presence there, waited only till the morning to take the news to the governor' s residence. The next thing Muslim realized was that the house was surrounded. Thrice he managed with his sword to drive the attackers out of the house, but when they started putting fire to the house he was forced to face them outside. It was only when ‘Abd ar-Rahmân ibn Muhammad ibn al-Ash‘ath, one of those sent to arrest him, promised him the safety of his life, that he lowered his sword. It was a mistake, for they took away his sword and mounted him upon an ass to be taken to Ibn Ziyâd.


Muslim ibn ‘Aqîl fears for Al-Hussain's life


Muslim knew his death was at hand. Tears flowed from his eyes, not at his own fate, but at the thought of Hussain and his family traveling through the harsh, merciless desert towards a fate much more harsher and merciless, to an enemy firmly resolved to bring an end to his venture, and to the most treacherous of partisans whose desertion at the hour of need had brought his life to this tragic end. He begged Ibn al-Ash‘ath to send someone to Hussain with the following message: “Ibn ‘Aqîl has sent me to you. He says to you: ‘Go back with your family. Do not be deceived by people of Kûfah. They are those same supporters of your father from whom he so dearly wished to part, by death or by being killed. The Kûfans have lied to me and have lied to you, and a liar has no sense.’ ”


Later that day —the Day of ‘ Arafah, the 9th of Dhul Hijjah— Muslim ibn ‘Aqîl was taken up to the highest ramparts of the fort. As he was being led up, he recited the tahlîl, tasbîh, takbîr and istighfâr. His last words reflect his intense disappointment with the people of Kûfah, "O Allâh, You be the Judge between us and our people. They deceived us and deserted us." From high upon the ramparts his head fell down in the dust, in full view of those whose invitations and oaths of allegiance had given him so much to hope for, but whose cowardice and treachery had left him with nothing but despair. And Hussain was on his way…

‘Ubaydullâh ibn Ziyâd had entered Kûfah with only seventeen men. For each man that came with him there was over a thousand who had taken the oath of allegiance at the hands of Muslim ibn ‘Aqîl. Yet not a single sword was raised in his defense. Not a single voice had the courage to protest his execution. And these were the same men who had been telling Hussain, “Come, we are with you.”


Muslim ibn ‘Aqîl's letter reaches Al-Hussain


Upon receipt of Muslim’s letter, Sayyidunâ Hussain started making arrangements to travel to Kûfah. He immediately dispatched a messenger, Qays ibn Mus-hir, to inform the Kûfans of his imminent arrival. This messenger was captured by ‘Ubaydullâh ibn Ziyâd, who ordered him to mount the walls of the fort and publicly curse Hussain and his father. Instead he praised Sayyidunâ ‘Alî and Sayyidunâ Hussain, telling them that Hussain was on his way, and exhorting them to assist him as they had promised. He ended his brief address by imprecating curses upon Ibn Ziyâd. Upon the order of Ibn Ziyâd he was flung from the ramparts and killed. Despite this impassioned plea, the men of Kûfah were unmoved.

In Makkah, a number of the eminent Sahâbah and children of Sahâbah tried to dissuade Hussain from going to Kûfah, and reminded him of the fickleness of the Kûfans with both his father and his brother. ‘Abdullâh ibn ‘Abbâs, ‘Abdullâh ibn ‘Umar, Jâbir ibn ‘Abdillâh, Abû Sa‘îd al-Khudrî, his own brother, Muhammad, and his brother-in-law and cousin , ‘Abdullâh ibn Ja‘far all remonstrated with him and tried to persuade him not to go to Iraq. His mind, however, was made up. He set out from Makkah on the 8th of Dhul Hijjah, not knowing of the sad end of Muslim ibn ‘Aqîl.


Al-Hussan reaches Iraq


After an arduous journey of almost a month, his party reached Iraq. It was there that he first heard of the treachery of the Kûfans and the death of Muslim ibn ‘Aqîl. Later he also learnt of the death of Qays ibn Mus-hir. A large number of desert Arabs had by that time attached themselves to his party, thinking that Kûfah was already practically his. Hussain addressed them, saying, "Our Shî‘ah have deserted us. Therefore, whoever wants to leave is free to do so." Soon he was left with only those who left Makkah with him. With them he continued towards Kûfah.
Meanwhle Kûfah was placed under heave surveillance by Ibn Ziyâd. When news of Hussain’s approach reached him, he dispatched a 4000 strong contingent, which was on its way to fight the Daylamites, to stop Hussain. This contingent was put under the command of ‘Umar ibn Sa‘d. There can be little doubt that the Kûfans witnessed the departure of this force from Kûfah with their own eyes. This would be their last chance to honor the oaths of allegiance to Hussain which they had taken upon the hands of Muslim ibn ‘Aqîl. This was the final opportunity to rush to the side of the grandson of Rasûlullâh . It was after all their invitations and assurances of support that encouraged him to abandon the safety of Makkah for the precarious battlefields of Iraq. But once again faithfulness, courage and commitment was found lacking in the people of Kûfah. Only a handful emerged to join Hussain at Karbalâ.


Al-Hussan is Martyred


And when the sun set on the 10th of Muharram, it was too late for the faithless Shî‘ah of Kûfah to make amends, for the sands of Karbalâ was stained red with the blood of Sayyidunâ Hussain and his seventy-one followers.

Four years later the Shî‘ah of Kûfah attempted to make amends for their desertion of the family of Rasûlullâh . There emerged a group of Kûfans calling themselves the Tawwâbûn (Penitents) who made it their duty to wreak vengeance upon the killers of Hussain. On their way to Syria in pursuit of Ibn Ziyâd they passed by Karbalâ, the site of Sayyidunâ Hussain' s grave, where they raised a great hue and cry, and spent the night lamenting the tragedy which they allowed to happen four years earlier. Had they only displayed that same spirit of compassion for Hussain when he was so much in need of it the history of Islâm might have taken a different course.

The Sheites seek to hide their Treachery


There have been attempts by certain writers to absolve the Shî‘ah from the crime of deserting Hussain. Some find an excuse for them in Ibn Ziyâd’s blockade of Kûfah. S. H. M. Jafri writes in his book The Origins and Early Developments of Shi’ah Islam:
…it should be noted again that the blockade of all the roads coming into Kûfa and its vicinity made it almost impossible for the majority of those Shî‘îs of Kûfa who were in hiding, and also for those residing in other cities like Basra. [2]


This explanation of their desertion does not seem plausible when one considers the large number (18 000) of those who had taken the bay‘ah at the hands of Muslim ibn ‘Aqîl. Ibn Ziyâd, as we have seen, entered Kûfah with only 17 men. Even the force that he dispatched to engage the party of Sayyidunâ Hussain at Karbalâ consisted of only 4000 men. [3]


Furthermore, that force was not recruited specifically for Karbalâ; it was only passing through Kûfah on its way to fight the Daylamites. It is not at all credible to assume that Ibn Ziyâd was able to cow the Kûfans into submission with forces such as these, whom they outnumbered by far. It was rather their own treacherousness and fickleness that led them to abandon Sayyidunâ Hussain. This can be clearly seen in the manner they deserted Muslim ibn ‘Aqîl.


There is also the tendency of claiming that those who deserted Sayyidunâ Hussain were not of the Shî‘ah. Jafri writes:
… of those who invited Hussain to Kûfa, and then those 18,000 who paid homage to his envoy Muslim b. ‘Aqîl, not all were Shî‘îs in the religious sense of the term, but were rather supporters of the house of ‘Alî for political reasons - a distinction which must be kept clearly in mind in order to understand the early history of Shî‘î Islam. [4]


Jafri' s motive in excluding the deserters of Sayyidunâ Hussain from the ranks of the “religious” (as opposed to the “political”) supporters of the house of Sayyidunâ ‘Alî is quite transparent. He is clearly embarrassed by the fact that it was the Shî‘ah themselves who abandoned their Imâm and his family after inviting him to lead them in revolt. What leads us to reject this distinction between “religious” and “political” supporters is the fact that Sayyidunâ Hussain himself, on more than one occasion, referred to the Kûfans as his Shî‘ah.

There are also the numerous references to the people of Kûfah as the followers (albeit capricious followers) of his father and brother. And were we to assume that many, or even most of them were not Shî‘ah in the “religious” sense, the question which next presents itself is: Where were the real Shî‘ah when their Imâm required their help?


Were they only that handful who emerged from Kûfah? It is strange that while there is so much reluctance on the part of the Shî‘ah to accept the deserters of Kûfah as their own, they are quite proud and eager to identify themselves with the movement of the Tawwâbûn. The speeches made at the inception of the movement of the Tawwâbûn very clearly prove that they were the same people who invited Sayyidunâ Hussain and then deserted him. [5]


Their very name is indicative of their guilt in this regard. The attempt by the Shî‘ah to absolve themselves from the crime of deserting Sayyidunâ Hussain is therefore at best nothing more than pathetic.


The Sheite Treachery against Zayd ibn ‘ Alî ibn Hussain
Karbalâ was not to be the last act of treason by the Shî‘ah against the Family of Rasûlullâh . Sixty years later the grandson of Sayyidunâ Hussain, namely Zayd ibn ‘ Alî ibn Hussain, led an uprising against the Umayyad ruler Hishâm ibn ‘Abd al-Malik. He received the oaths of allegiance of over 40 000 men, 15 000 of whom were from the very same Kûfah that deserted his grandfather.


Just before the battle could start they decided upon a whim to ask his opinion about Abû Bakr and ‘Umar. Zayd answered: “I have never heard any of my family dissociate himself from them, and I have nothing but good to say about them.”


Upset with this answer, they deserted him en masse, deciding that the true imâm could only be his nephew Ja‘far as-Sâdiq. Out of 40 000, Zayd was left with only a few hundred men. On the departure of the defectors he remarked: “I am afraid they have done unto me as they did to Hussain.” Zayd and his little army fought bravely and attained martyrdom. Thus, on Wednesday the 1st of Safar 122 AH another member of the Ahl al-Bayt fell victim to the treachery of the Shî‘ah of Kûfah. [6]

This time there could be no question as to whether those who deserted him were of the Shî‘ah or not.


The fact that the thousands of Shî‘ah who deserted Zayd ibn ‘Alî looked upon Ja‘far as-Sâdiq as their true Imâm shows that by and large they were the same as the Ithnâ ‘Asharî, or alternatively Imâmî or Ja‘farî Shî‘ah of today.


Why then, if he had so many devoted followers, did Imâm Ja‘far not rise up in revolt against the Umayyads or the ‘Abbâsids? The answer to this question is provided in a narration documented by Abû Ja‘far al-Kulaynî in his monumental work al-Kâfî, which enjoys unparalleled status amongst the hadîth collections of the Shî‘ah:
Sudayr as-Sayrafî says: I entered the presence of Abû ‘Abdillâh ‘alayhis salâm and said to him: “By Allâh, you may not refrain from taking up arms.” He asked: “Why not?” I answered: “Because you have so many partisans, supporters (Shî‘ah) and helpers. By Allâh, if Amîr al-Mu’minîn (Sayyidunâ ‘Alî) had as many Shî‘ah, helpers, and partisans as you have, Taym (the tribe of Abû Bakr) and ‘Adî (the tribe of ‘Umar) would never have had designs upon him.” He asked: “And how many would they be, Sudayr?” I said: “A hundred thousand.” He asked: “A hundred thousand?” I replied: “Yes, and two hundred thousand.” He asked again: “Two hundred thousand?” I replied: “Yes, and half the world.” He remained silent.


Then he said: “Would you accompany us to Yanbu‘?” I replied in the affirmative. He ordered a mule and a donkey to be saddled. I quickly mounted the donkey, but he said: “Sudayr, will you rather let me ride the donkey?” I said: “The mule is more decorous and more noble as well.” But he said: “The donkey is more comfortable for me.” I dismounted. He mounted the donkey, I got on the mule, and we started riding. The time of salâh arrived and he said: “Dismount, Sudayr. Let us perform salâh.” Then he remarked: “The ground here is overgrown with moss. It is not permissible to make salâh here.” So we carried on riding until we came to a place where the earth was red. He looked at a young boy herding sheep, and remarked: “Sudayr, by Allâh, if I had as many Shî‘ah as there are sheep here, it would not have been acceptable for me to refrain from taking up arms.” We then dismounted and performed salâh. When we were finished I turned back to count the sheep. There were seventeen of them. [7]

It seems from this narration that the tragedy of Karbalâ taught Imâm Ja‘far as-Sâdiq something about those who claimed to be his followers which the Shî‘ah of today are still refusing to come to terms with: that in the trials and misfortunes of the Family of Rasûlullâh the role of the Shî‘ah was as great, if not greater, than that of their physical enemies. It therefore does not come as a surprise that none of the supposed Imâms after Hussain ever attempted an armed insurrection against the rulers of their times. Karbalâ had taught them the fickleness and treacherousness of those who claimed to be their Shî‘ah.


It is about them that Imâm Ja‘far is reported to have said: "No one bears us greater hatred than those who claim to love us." [8]
Imâm Ja‘far is also reported as having said: "No verse did Allâh reveal in connection with the Munâfiqîn, except that it is to be found in those who profess Shî‘ism." [9]

Before Sayyidunâ Hussain, his elder brother Sayyidunâ Hasan was the victim of the treacherousness of the Kûfans. In his book al-Ihtijâj the prominent Shî‘î author Abû Mansûr at-Tabarsî has preserved the following remark of Sayyidunâ Hasan: "By Allâh, I think Mu‘âwiyah would be better for me than these people who claim that they are my Shî‘ah." [10]

When Sayyidunâ Hasan eventually became exasperated at the fickleness of his so-called Shî‘ah, he decided to make peace with Mu‘âwiyah. When someone protested to him that he was bringing humiliation upon the Shî‘ah by concluding peace with Mu‘âwiyah, he responded by saying:


"By Allâh, I handed over power to him for no reason other than the fact that I could not find any supporters. Had I found supporters I would have fought him day and night until Allâh decides between us. But I know the people of Kûfah. I have experience of them. The bad ones of them are no good to me. They have no loyalty, nor any integrity in word or deed. They are in disagreement. They claim that their hearts are with us, but their swords are drawn against us." [11]

Imâm Mûsâ al-Kâzim, the son of Imâm Ja‘far, and the seventh of the supposed Imâms of the Shî‘ah, describes them in the following words:

"If I had to truly distinguish my Shî‘ah I would find them nothing other than pretenders. If I had to put them to the test I would only find them to be apostates. If I were to scrutinize them I would be left with only one in a thousand. Were I to sift them thoroughly I would be left with only the handful that is truly mine. They have been sitting on cushions all along, saying: " We are the Shî‘ah of ‘Alî."


Conclusion:


If today ‘Âshûrâ will be commemorated as a day of struggle and sacrifice, let it also be remembered as a day of treachery and desertion.


When the names of Yazîd ibn Mu‘âwiyah, ‘Ubaydullâh ibn Ziyâd, ‘Umar ibn Sa‘d and Shamir ibn Dhil Jawshan are mentioned and curses invoked upon their memories, then let us not forget the treachery of the Shî‘ah of Kûfah. The time has long been due for the Shî‘ah to reintroduce into their ‘Âshûrâ ceremonies an aspect that was in fact part of the very first commemoration ceremony of the Tawwâbûn. That lost aspect is the admission of their own guilt, along with that of Ibn Ziyâd, Yazîd and others, in the shedding of the holy blood of Sayyidunâ Hussain ibn ‘Alî radiyallâhu ‘anhumâ.
___________________________________________________________________
NOTES AND REFERENCES
1. The historical material for this study has been taken largely from al-Bidâyah wan-Nihâyah of Ibn Kathîr. The Shî‘î source Maqtal al-Hussain by ‘Abd ar-Razzâq al-Mûsawî al-Muqarram (5th edition published by Maktabah Basîratî, Qum in 1382) was also consulted.
2. See S. H. M. Jafri, The Origins and Early Development of Shi’ah Islam p. 198 (Ansariyan Publications, Qum, n.d.)
3. The figure of 80 000, given in certain Shî‘î sources, and quoted recently on local radio, is clearly fictitious. Apart from contradicting reliable historical sources, its origin in the emotionally charged hyperbolism of the Shî‘ah is self-evident.
4. Jafri, p. 195
5. ibid. p. 223
6. Muhammad Abû Zahrah, Târîkh al-Madhâhib al-Islâmiyyah, p. 613 (Dâr al-Fikr al-‘Arabî, Cairo, n.d.)
7. al-Kulaynî, al-Kâfî (Usûl) vol. 2 p. 250-251 (Dâr al-Adwâ, Beiru1992)
8. ‘Abdullâh al-Mâmaqânî, Miqbâs al-Hidâyah vol. 2 p. 414 (Mu’assasat Âl al-Bayt li-Ihyâ’ at-Turâth, Beirut 1991) quoting from Rijâl al-Kashshî.
9. ibid. vol. 2 p. 407
10. Abû Mansûr at-Tabarsî, al-Ihtijâj vol. 2 p. 290-291 (Mu’assasat al-A‘lamî, Beirut 1989
11. al-Kulaynî, Rawdat al-Kâfî vol. 8 p. 288
Download or read urdu book below

Waqia Karbala tareekh ke aine me - Urdu Book


The view of Aima karam, Muhaddiseen and Islamic Scholars about Hazrat Yazeed bin Mu'awaia (R.A)

Allama Ibn-e-Kaseer kehtey hain:

“Ek dafa Yazeed (Rehmatullah Alaih) ney Abdullah Ibn-e-Abbas (Razi Allah Unho) k saamney
taqreer ki aur jab Yazeed (Rehmatullah Alaih) wahan sey uth gaye to Abdullah Ibn-e-Abbas (Razi
Allah Unho) ney fermaya Banu Harb {Harb:Yazeed k perdada ka naam} aur Yazeed
(Rehmatullah Alaih) agar Duniya sey chaley gaye to Duniya sey Ulma uth jaayegein” (Albadaya
Wannahaya Vol. 8 pg. 229)

Imam Zehbi aur Allama Ibn-e-Kaseer likhtey hain:

“ Aur Yazeed (Rehmatullah Alaih) ki zaat main qabil-e-sataish sifaat halm-o-karam, fasahat-o-
shergoi, aur shujaat-o-bahaduri ki thiin. Aur mamlaat-e-hukumat main umda raye rakhtey they aur
woh khubsoorat aur khush seerat they.” (Albadaya Wannahaya Vol. 8 pg. 220, Al Islam by Imam
Zehbi Vol. 3 pg. 93)

Allama Ibn-e-Hajr Asqalani likhtey hain:

“ aur ibn-e-shozab ney biyan kya k main ney Ibraheem bin abi abad sey yeh baat suni hay woh kehtey they k main ney Khalifa Umer bin Abdulaziz ko Yazeed bin Mavia (Rehmatullah Alaih) per ‘Rehmatullah Alaih’ kehtey suna hay” (Lisaan-ul-Meezan Vol. 6 pg. 294)

Musab Zubairi (Rehmatullah Alaih) kehtey hain k:

“Yazeed (Rehmatullah Alaih) ek swaleh mard-e-mumin they” (Tehzeeb Vol. 6 pg. 300

Isi tarah Encyclopedia of Islam main likha hay k:

“ Ameer Yazeed (Rehmatullah Alaih) hud darja haleem-o-kareem, sanjeeda, mateen, ghuror-o-
takabur sey mubbarra, apni zer-e-dast riyaya k mehboob, tazk-o-ehtishaam-e-shahi sey
mutannafir they. Aam sheharyoon ki tarah saada maashrat sey zindagi basar kerney waley aur
muhazzib insaan they.” (Encyclopedia of ISLAM pg. 1163)

Isi tarah Allama Ibn-e-Kaseer likhtey hain:

“Ameer Yazeed (Rehmatullah Alaih) ney 51 hijri, 52 hijri aur 53 hijri main logoon ko Hajj keraya aur ameer-e-Hajj k faraiz anjaam diye” (Albadaya Wannahaya Vol. 8 pg 229)

Sahih Bukhari ki hadees hay:

“NABI (SAW) ney fermaya k meri ummat ka pehla lashkar jo Qaysar k shehar Qustuntunia per jihad kerega un k liye Allah ki taraf sey Maghfarat hay” (Sahih Bukhari Vol. 1 pg. 410) “Qustuntnuia per sab sey awwal jihad Yazeed (Rehmatullah Alaih) bin Mavia (Razi Allah Unho) ney kya aur un k saath sadaat-e-sahaba misl Ibn-e-Umer, Ibn-e-Abbas, Ibn-e-Zubair, Abu Ayub Ansari (Rizwanullah Ajmain) aur ek jamaat thi” (Hashia Sahih Bukhari Vol. 1 pg. 410)

When Imam Ghazaali was asked if it was all right to curse Yazeed, he replied No. He was asked was it all right to say rahimahullah? He said Yes it is Mustahab (highly recommended).
[Qaid as Shareed min Akhbar e Yazeed pg 57-59].

Imam Ghazaali further said, Yazeed was a Muslim and when we pray for the Muslims Allhummagfirli Muslimineen was Muslimaat (O Allah forgive the Musilms men and women) he is also included in our prayers.
[Qaid as Shareed min Akhbar e Yazeed pg 57-59]

Friday, 8 November 2013

WHAT THE SHI’AH DO ON ‘ASHOORA’ IS BID’AH (INNOVATION) AND MISGUIDANCE?



WHAT THE SHI’AH DO ON ‘ASHOORA’ IS BID’AH (INNOVATION) AND MISGUIDANCE?


Praise be to Allaah. 




What the Shi’ah do on ‘Ashoora’ of beating their chests, slapping their cheeks, striking their shoulders with chains and cutting their heads with swords to let the blood flow are all innovations that have no basis in Islam. These things are evils that were forbidden by the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him), who did not prescribe for his ummah to do any of these things or anything similar to them to mark the death of a leader or the loss of a martyr, no matter what his status. During his lifetime (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) a number of senior Sahaabah were martyred and he mourned their loss, such as Hamzah ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib, Zayd ibn Haarithah, Ja’far ibn Abi Taalib and ‘Abd-Allaah ibn Rawaahah, but he did not do any of the things that these people do. If it was good, he (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) would have done it before us. 


Ya’qoob (peace be upon him) did not strike his chest or scratch his face, or shed blood or take the day of the loss of Yoosuf as a festival or day of mourning. Rather he remembered his missing loved one and felt sad and distressed because of that. This is something no one can be blamed for. What is forbidden is these actions that have been inherited from the Jaahiliyyah, and which Islam forbids.


Al-Bukhaari (1294) and Muslim (103) narrated that ‘Abd-Allaah ibn Mas’ood (may Allaah be pleased with him) said: The Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) said: “He is not one of us who strikes his cheeks, rends his garment, or cries with the cry of the Jaahiliyyah.”


These reprehensible actions that the Shi’ah do on the day of ‘Ashoora’ have no basis in Islam. The Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) did not do them, nor did any of his companions. None of his companions did them when he or anyone else died, although the loss of Muhammad (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) was greater than the death of al-Husayn (may Allaah be pleased with him).


Al-Haafiz Ibn Katheer (may Allaah have mercy on him) said: Every Muslim should mourn the killing of al-Husayn (may Allaah be pleased with him), for he is one of the leaders of the Muslims, one of the scholars of the Sahaabah, and the son of the daughter of the Messenger of Allaah (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him), who was the best of his daughters. He was a devoted worshipper, and a courageous and generous man. But there is nothing good in what the Shi’ah do of expressing distress and grief, most of which may be done in order to show off. His father was better than him and he was killed, but they do not take his death as an anniversary as they do with the death of al-Husayn.


His father was killed on a Friday as he was leaving the mosque after Fajr prayer, on the seventeenth of Ramadaan in 40 AH. ‘Uthmaan was better than ‘Ali according to Ahl al-Sunnah wa’l-Jamaa’ah, and he was killed when he was besieged in his house during the days of al-Tashreeq in Dhu’l-Hijjah of 36 AH, with his throat cut from one jugular vein to the other, but the people did not take his death as an anniversary. ‘Umar ibn al-Khattaab was better than ‘Ali and ‘Uthmaan, and he was killed as he was standing in the mihraab, praying Fajr and reciting Qur’aan, but the people did not take his death as an anniversary. Abu Bakr al-Siddeeq was better than him but the people did not take his death as an anniversary. The Messenger of Allaah (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) is the leader of the sons of Adam in this world and the Hereafter, and Allaah took him to Him as the Prophets died before him, but no one took the dates of their deaths as anniversaries on which they do what these ignorant Raafidis do on the day that al-Husayn was killed. … The best that can be said when remembering these and similar calamities is that which ‘Ali ibn al-Husayn narrated from his grandfather the Messenger of Allaah (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him), who said: “There is no Muslim who is afflicted by a calamity and when he remembers it, even if it was in the dim and distant past, he says Inna Lillaahi wa inna ilayhi raaji’oon (verily to Allaah we belong and unto Him is our return), but Allaah will give him a reward like that of the day when it befell him.”
Narrated by Imam Ahmad and Ibn Majaah, end quote from al-Bidaayah wa’l-Nihaayah (8/221).
And he said (8/220): The Raafidis went to extremes in the state of Bani Buwayh in the year 400 and thereabouts. The drums were beaten in Baghdad and other cities on the day of ‘Ashoora’, and sand and straw was strewn in the streets and marketplaces, and sackcloth was hung on the shops, and the people expressed grief and wept. Many of them did not drink water that night, in sympathy with al-Husayn, because he was killed when he was thirsty. Then the women went out barefaced, wailing and slapping their faces and chests, walking barefoot in the marketplaces, and other reprehensible innovations… What they intended by these and similar actions is to impugn the state of Banu Umayyah (the Umayyads), because he was killed during their era.


On the day of ‘Ashoora, the Naasibis of Syria do the opposite of what the Raafidis and Shi’ah do. They used to cook grains on the day of ‘Ashoora and do ghusl and perfume themselves, and wear their finest garments, and they took that day as an Eid for which they made all kinds of food, and expressed happiness and joy, intending thereby to annoy the Raafidis and be different from them.


Celebrating that day is an innovation (bid’ah), and making it an anniversary for mourning is also an innovation. Hence Shaykh al-Islam Ibn Taymiyah (may Allaah have mercy on him) said:


Because of the killing of al-Husayn (may Allaah be pleased with him), shaytaan caused the people to introduce two innovations: the innovation of mourning and wailing on the day of ‘Ashoora’, by slapping the cheeks, weeping, and reciting eulogies. … and the innovation of rejoicing and celebrating. … So some introduced mourning and others introduced celebration, so they regarded the day of ‘Ashoora’ as a day for wearing kohl, doing ghusl, spending on the family and making special foods. … And every innovation is a going astray. None of the four imams of the Muslims or any other (scholars) regarded either of these things as mustahabb. End quote from Minhaaj al-Sunnah (4/554). 


It should be noted that these reprehensible actions are encouraged by the enemies of Islam, so that they can achieve their evil aims of distorting the image of Islam and its followers. Concerning this Moosa al-Musawi said in his book al-Shi’ah wa’l-Tas-heeh:


But there can be no doubt that striking heads with swords and cutting the head in mourning for al-Husayn on the tenth day of Muharram reached Iran and Iraq and India during the British occupation of those lands. The British are the ones who exploited the ignorance and naiveté of the Shi’ah and their deep love for Imam al-Husayn, and taught them to strike their heads with swords. Until recently the British embassies in Tehran and Baghdad sponsored the Husayni parades in which this ugly spectacle appears in the streets and alleyways. The aim of the British imperialist policy of developing this ugly spectacle and exploiting it in the worst manner was to give an acceptable justification to the British people and the free press that opposed British colonialism in India and other Muslim countries, and to show the peoples of these countries as savages who needed someone to save them from their ignorance and savagery. Images of the parades that marched in the streets on the day of ‘Ashoora’, in which thousands of people were striking their backs with chains and making them bleed, and striking their heads with daggers and swords, appeared in British and European newspapers, and the politicians justified their colonization of these countries on the basis of a humane duty to colonize the lands of these people whose culture was like that so as to lead these peoples towards civility and progress.


It was said that when Yaseen al-Haashimi, the Iraqi Prime Minister at the time of the British occupation of Iraq, visited London to negotiate with the British for an end to the Mandate, the British said to him: We are in Iraq to help the Iraqi people to make progress and attain happiness, and bring them out of savagery. This angered Yaseen al-Haashimi and he angrily walked out of the room where the negotiations were being held, but the British apologized politely and asked him with all respect to watch a documentary about Iraq, which turned out to be a film about the Husayni marches in the streets of al-Najaf, Karbala’ and al-Kaazimiyyah, showing horrific and off-putting images of people striking themselves with daggers and chains. It is as if the British wanted to tell him: Would an educated people with even a little civility do such things to themselves?! End quote.


And Allaah knows best.

Saturday, 26 October 2013

ARE WE ALLOWED TO GIVE QUR’AN TO NON-MUSLIMS?



ARE WE ALLOWED TO GIVE QUR’AN TO NON-MUSLIMS?




"RIGHTS OF THE QUR'AN UNVEILED"
https://www.facebook.com/download/581249281917654/RIGHTS%20OF%20THE%20QUR_AN%20UNVEILED.pdf
 By Mohammed Asif Ali




Praise be to Allah

Firstly:

QUR'AN REVEALED FOR THE WHOLE MANKIND NO ONLY FOR THE MUSLIM AND THE ARABS.

Allah says;
“We sent many revelations”
[Al- Qur’an surah Rad, Ch 13 verse 38]


But by name four mention in the Qur’an, Torah, Zabur, In’jeer, Qur’an, there are many books sent like ‘Sufi Ibrahim’ , but by name four mention in the Qur’an , We have to believe these books From Allah and the last and final message or book from Allah, is Holy Qur’an sent to the whole mankind,


It mentioned;

 “Ramadan is the month the Qur’an has been revealed, a guidance for the whole mankind, and
Qur’an is the criteria to judge right from wrong”
[Al-Qur’an surah Baq’rahCh 2 verse 185]



Allah several places says Qur’an revealed for the whole mankind.
[It mention in Ch 14 verse 1and 52, Ch 39 verse 41, Ch 68 verse 52, Ch 81 verse 27, etc]


If we see the Si’ra(life history) of Prophet Mohammed (pbuh). Prophet Mohammed (pbuh),
He uses to dictate to write Qur’an verses and to send the letters to kings for the da’wah many of the accepted the Islam and some of them they even crush beneath their feet.


One of these letters also presents now right at the Turkey Museum. No where it mention in the Qur'an and hadith that we can't give the Qur'an to Non Muslim, Qur'an revealed for the whole mankind, I haven given to many Non Muslim and I will be in the company of the prophet Mohammed (pbuh) in the day of judgment because prophet Use to give the Qur'an the non Muslim, even I am Giving.


Secondly:        

Some people says that "give the only translation of the Qur'an not the Arabic text" I says no problem give it, at least give the Qur'an but do you know you if we pick  any Translation of the Qur'an in any language (except Arabic) , there are errors, if you pick the English , Urdu, French, Germen, Hindi, etc.. There are errors.


Because human can do mistake but Allah never. Qur'an revealed in Arabic language in translation into any other language there will be a error because language of the Qur'an is very Rich and high, each word of Arabic has several meaning , some time only one require , sometime 2 or sometime all meanings can be applies. But when it translation into any other languages the particular word (meaning) of that language which may not applicable, so this cause an error.



Now will you attribute this error to Allah? (No). If we give the Qur'an translation along with the Arabic text, even the translation may wrong but the Arabic text there, so it will not be attribute to Allah.



We know that there are 14 million Coptic Christian in Arab, and their language is Arabic as mother tongue. I am asking which translation of the Qur'an should we give to this Non Muslims?  No option but Arabic.



Finally:


There is nothing wrong giving the Qur'an to Non Muslim brothers and sisters. If anyone want to give the only translation that’s fine, but giving the Arabic text along with translation is much better. 

Allah knows the best.